By David Bacon
The American Prospect, March 2008
http://www.prospect
In Mississippi, African American leaders are the foremost champions
of the state's growing Latino immigrant population. Some day soon,
they hope, the new alliance will transform the state's politics.
In 1991, seeking to boost its never robust economy, the state of
Mississippi passed a law permitting casino gambling. In short order,
immigrant construction workers arrived from Florida to build the
casinos, and the casinos themselves began using contractors to supply
immigrants to meet their growing labor needs. Guest workers,
eventually numbering in the thousands, were brought under the H-2B
program to fill many of the jobs the developments created.
Throughout the 1990s more immigrants arrived looking for work. Some
guest workers overstayed their visas, while husbands brought wives,
cousins, and friends from home. Mexicans and Central Americans joined
South and Southeast Asians and began traveling north through the
state, finding jobs in rural poultry plants. There they met African
Americans, many of whom had fought hard campaigns to organize unions
for chicken and catfish workers over the preceding decade.
It was not easy for newcomers to fit in. Their union representatives
didn't speak their languages. When workers got pulled over by state
troopers they were not only cited for lacking driver's licenses but
also often handed over to the U.S. Border Patrol. Sometimes their
children weren't even allowed to enroll in school.
"We decided that the place to start was trying to get a bill passed
allowing everyone to get driver's licenses, regardless of who they
were or where they came from," says Jim Evans, the AFL-CIO's state
organizer and leader of the black caucus in the state legislature. In
the fall of 2000, labor, church, and civil-rights activists formed an
impromptu coalition and went to the legislature. At the core of the
coalition were activists who had organized Mississippi's state
workers and a growing caucus of black legislators sympathetic to
labor. Evans, a former organizer for the National Football League
Players Association, headed the group on the House side, while Sen.
Alice Harden, who had led a state teachers' strike in 1986, organized
the vote in the Senate.
Harden's efforts bore fruit when the driver's license bill passed
the Senate unanimously in 2001. "But they saw us coming in the House
and killed it," says Bill Chandler, at the time political director
for the casino union, UNITE HERE. Nevertheless, the close fight
convinced them that a coalition supporting immigrants' rights had a
wide potential base of support and could help change the state's
political landscape. In a meeting that November, the Mississippi
Immigrants Rights Alliance (MIRA) was born.
One day soon, that black-brown-
transform Mississippi'
In big u.s. cities African Americans and immigrants, especially
Latinos, often are divided by fears that any gain in jobs or
political clout by one group can only come at the expense of the
other. In Mississippi, African American political leaders and
immigrant organizers favor a different calculation: Blacks plus
immigrants plus unions equals power.
Since 2000, all three have cooperated in organizing one of the
country's most active immigrants' rights coalitions, the MIRA. "You
will always find folks reluctant to get involved, who say, it's not
part of our mission, that immigrants are taking our jobs," Evans
says. "But we all have the same rights and justice cause."
Evans, whose booming basso profundo comes straight out of the
pulpit, remembers his father riding shotgun for Medgar Evers, the
NAACP leader slain by racists in 1963. He believes organizing
immigrants is a direct continuation of Mississippi Freedom Summer and
the Poor People's March on Washington. "To get to peace and freedom,"
Evans says, "you must come through the door of truth and justice."
Both Evans, who chairs the MIRA, and Chandler, who is now its
executive director, believe social justice and political practicality
converge in the state's changing demographics. Long before World War
II, Mississippi, like most Southern states, began to lose its black
population. Out-migration reached its peak in the 1960s, when 66,614
African Americans left between 1965 and 1970, while civil-rights
activists were murdered, hosed, and sent to jail. But in the
following decades, as Midwestern industrial jobs began to move
overseas and the cost of living in Northern cities skyrocketed, the
flow began to reverse.
From 1995 to 2000, the state capital, Jackson, gained 3,600 black
residents. In the 2000 census, African Americans made up more than 36
percent of Mississippi'
no doubt higher today. And while immigrants were statistically
insignificant two decades ago, today they comprise more than 4.5
percent of Mississippi'
"Immigrants are always undercounted, but I think they're now about
130,000, and they'll be 10 percent of the population 10 years from
now," Chandler predicts.
That's still less than in the four states (California, Hawaii, New
Mexico, and Texas) and the District of Columbia where some
combination of blacks, Latinos, Asians, and Native Americans already
make up the majority. But MIRA activists see one other big advantage
in Mississippi. "We have the chance here to avoid the rivalry that
plagues Los Angeles and build real power," says Chandler, who left
East L.A. and the farm workers' movement decades ago to come to the
South. "But we have to fight racism from the beginning and recognize
the leadership of the African American community." Eric Fleming, an
MIRA staff member and former state legislator who recently filed for
the Democratic nomination to replace Sen. Trent Lott, believes, "We
can stop Mississippi from making the same mistakes others have made."
The same calculus can also apply across the South, which is now the
entry point for a third of all new immigrants into the U.S. Four
decades ago, President Richard Nixon brought the South's white power
structure, threatened by civil rights, into the Republican Party.
President Ronald Reagan celebrated that achievement at the
Confederate monument at Georgia's Stone Mountain. "[Progressive]
funders and the Democratic Party have written off much of the South
since then," says Gerald Lenoir of California's Black Alliance for
Just Immigration. But MIRA-type alliances could transform the region,
he hopes, "and change the politics of this country as a whole."
The MIRA is the fruit of strategic thinking among a diverse group
that reaches from African American workers on catfish farms and
immigrant union organizers in chicken plants to guest workers and
contract laborers on the Gulf Coast and, ultimately, into the halls
of the state legislature in Jackson.
Chandler, who had been organizing state employees for the
Communication Workers, went to work for the hotel union, UNITE HERE,
and helped win union recognition in three Mississippi casinos. In
2005 in Las Vegas, the union was renegotiating its contract covering
Harrah's Las Vegas operations. Harrah's also owned two Mississippi
casinos in Tunica and one that was destroyed and later rebuilt in
Gulfport. With the threat of a Nevada strike in the air, Harrah's
agreed to a card-check process for union recognition in Mississippi,
and eventually signed contracts covering the three casinos there at
the end of that year, although temporary, contract, and H-2B workers
were not covered.
To build a grassroots base, MIRA volunteers also went into chicken
plants to help recruit newly arrived immigrants into unions.
Mississippi is a right-to-work state, and union membership is not
mandatory in workplaces with union contracts. Frank Curiel, a
Laborers' International Union of North America (LIUNA) representative
who worked with the United Farm Workers for many years, says, "MIRA
put the LIUNA business manager and a UFCW [United Food and Commercial
Workers] rep on the board because we wanted them to understand the
role of the union in representing Latinos-they had contracts in
chicken and fish plants." In one plant, Curiel signed up 80 percent
of the newly arrived immigrants, while in two others, an MIRA student
volunteer from the University of Texas signed up every Latino worker
in two weeks.
The unions' work wasn't confined to fighting grievances or
recruiting new members; immigrant workers had much bigger problems.
"There was a pretty repressive system in Laurel, Collins, and
Hattiesburg,
agencies, and all the workers were undocumented. It was very hard to
get a new contract because of the surplus of Latino labor and low
membership." But by building a combined membership of immigrant and
African American workers, union negotiators in one plant forced the
company to get rid of the temp service and hire employees directly.
"That meant that African Americans gained access to those jobs, too,"
Curiel emphasizes.
In the casinos, MIRA volunteers worked with UNITE HERE organizers.
In Jackson, the coalition got six bills passed the following year,
stopping schools from requiring Social Security numbers from
immigrant parents, and winning in-state tuition for any student who
had spent four years in a Mississippi high school.
Then Katrina hit the Gulf.
Vicky Cintra, a Cuban American with a soft Southern accent, was the
MIRA's first full-time organizer and got her baptism of fire on the
Gulf Coast. After the hurricane blew through Biloxi and Gulfport,
contractors began pouring in to do reconstruction, bringing with them
crews of workers.
Cintra handed out 10,000 flyers with the MIRA's phone number, and
the calls flooded in. Thirty-five workers abandoned by their
contractor in dilapidated trailers received blankets and food. When
two Red Cross shelters evicted Latinos, even putting a man in a
wheelchair onto the street, the national news media reported on
Cintra's efforts on behalf of the immigrants. "For the next year we
were just reacting to emergencies,
evictions and the cases of workers cheated by employers. "When we
threatened picket lines, the contractors would sometimes offer to pay
Latinos, but we said everyone had to be treated equally, and got
money for African Americans and whites, too."
The MIRA eventually recovered over a million dollars. "And this was
while the federal government had said it wouldn't enforce labor
standards, OSHA, Davis Bacon, or any other law protecting workers,"
Cintra says. "Really, it had been like this for years, but Katrina
just tore the veil away." The key to the MIRA's success, she
believes, was that "we engaged workers in direct action. Eventually
the contractors and companies settling in Mississippi got the idea
that workers have rights and were getting organized."
MIRA volunteers also began to hear that guest workers were being
recruited in India, not for reconstruction, but for the main industry
on the Gulf-ship building. Working in the shipyards has always been
dirty, dangerous, and segregated. Jaribu Hill, an MIRA board member,
accuses the yards of putting "hundreds of black women into the worst
cleaner jobs in the bottom of the ship. And when we get organized and
outspoken, the boss starts looking for people who are more grateful,
and more vulnerable."
In late 2006, 300 guest workers arrived at the Pascagoula yard of
Signal International, which makes huge floating oil rigs for the
offshore fields in the Gulf. They'd been hired in India by a labor
recruiter and given H-2B visas, good for 10 months. Signal charged
the workers $35 per day for the privilege of living in a labor camp
located within the shipyard. "Twenty-four of us live in a small room,
12 feet by 18 feet, sleeping on bunk beds," Joseph Jacob, one of the
worker leaders, says. "There are two toilets for all of us, and we
have to get up at 3:30 in the morning to have enough time to use the
bathroom before going to work."
Signal put the Indian guest workers to work in the yard alongside
U.S. workers doing the same job, and claimed it paid them the same
wages. The guest workers say they were promised $18 an hour, but many
were paid only half that after the company said they were
unqualified. Signal CEO Dick Marler admits the company reclassified
some workers after they had arrived, from first- to second-class
welders, and then reduced their wages. Signal deemed six of the
workers incapable and announced that it would send them back to
India-a move that portended financial ruin for the workers.
The MIRA asked a Hindi-speaking organizer from the New Orleans
Workers' Center for Racial Justice, Sakhet Soni, to come to
Pascagoula. Together they helped workers organize Signal H-2B Workers
United. Jacob was fired "because I attended the meetings," he says.
"That's what the company vice president told me." Marler denies this.
On the day the six workers were discharged, company security guards
locked them in what they call the TV Room and wouldn't let them
leave. The MIRA went to the Pascagoula Police Department, and the
police went out to the yard and eventually freed the workers. Outside
the yard, dozens of workers and activists denounced the firings and
mistreatment. The MIRA organized picket lines, and its attorney,
Patricia Ice, started a legal defense campaign with the Southern
Poverty Law Center.
The company said it had used the H-2B system because it couldn't
find enough workers after the hurricane. Other contractors have used
the same rationale. "We've learned about case after case of workers
in Mississippi, Louisiana, and all along the Gulf in these
conditions," Chandler says. "There are thousands of guest workers who
have been brought in since Katrina and subjected to this same
treatment. Mexican guest workers in Amelia, Louisiana, were held in
the same way. They also got organized and came to Pascagoula to
support the workers here when they heard what happened."
Organizing guest workers is part of an effort to build an MIRA
membership among immigrants themselves. MIRA members get an ID card
and agree to come to demonstrations and help others. When the
national immigrant marches began in the spring of 2006, MIRA members
and volunteers mobilized thousands of people for a rally in Jackson
and even a march in Laurel, a poultry town of 18,881 people with a
progressive black mayor. "There's still a lot of anti-immigrant
sentiment here," Cintra says, "but when people give the police their
ID card they get treated with more respect, because they know their
rights and have some support." Curiel says the same thing: "In
Kentucky, outside of Louisville, Latinos are afraid to go out into
the street. In Mississippi it's different."
Not always that different, however. In Laurel and many other
Mississippi towns, police still set up roadblocks to trap immigrants
without licenses. "They take us away in handcuffs, and we have to pay
over $1000 to get out of jail and get our cars back," says chicken
plant worker Elisa Reyes. And the way the state's Council of
Conservative Citizens demonizes immigrants is reminiscent of the
language of its predecessor-
site urges, "The CofCC not only fights for European rights, but also
for Confederate Heritage, fights against illegal immigration, fights
against gun control, fights against abortion, fights against gay
rights etc. ... so join up!!!" The state's chapter of the Federation
for Immigration Reform and Enforcement brought the Minutemen's Chris
Simcox out from California to recruit at anti-immigrant meetings.
During the 2007 Mississippi elections for governor and state
legislators, the Ku Klux Klan held a 500-person rally in front of the
Lee County Courthouse in Tupelo. They wore the old white hoods and
robes and carried signs saying, "Stop the Latino Invasion." Their
presence was so intimidating that Ricky Cummings, a generally
progressive Democrat running for re-election to the State House of
Representatives, voted for some of the anti-immigrant bills in the
legislature. When MIRA leaders challenged him, he told them that
Klan-generated calls had "worn out his cell phone."
The Klan's Web site says, "Its time to declare war on these illegal
mexican's. ... The racial war is among us, will you fight with us for
the future of our race and for our children? Or will you sit on your
ass and do nothing? Our blissful ignorance is over. It is time to
fight. Time for Mexico and Mexicans to get the hell out!!!" The Web
site also has links to the site of the Mississippi Federation for
Immigration Reform and Enforcement directed by Mike Lott, who sits in
the state legislature, and the state affiliate of the Federation for
American Immigration Reform.
In 2007 Republicans introduced 21 anti-immigrant bills into the
Mississippi Legislature, including ones to impose state penalties on
employers who hire undocumented workers, English-only requirements on
state license and benefit applicants, to prohibit undocumented
students at state universities, and to require local police to check
immigration status. Mike Lott sponsored many of these bills.
The MIRA, however, defeated all of the proposed laws. "The black
caucus stood behind us every time," Evans says proudly. There are no
immigrant or Latino legislators. Without the caucus, all 21 bills
would have passed in 2007, as would have 19 similar bills in 2006.
The caucus didn't just wage a "vote no" campaign. It also proposed a
series of pro-worker measures that would have abolished at-will
employment (the doctrine that says employers don't need any
justification for terminating workers), provided interpreters, and
established a state department of labor (Mississippi is the only
state without one). While these bills didn't pass, either, the
difference between the caucus' and the Republicans' agendas is as
clear as black and white, or perhaps, black/brown and white.
Although the political coalition in which the MIRA participates is
powerful enough to stop the worst proposals, it isn't yet powerful
enough to elect a legislative majority. Changing demographics is one
element of a strategy to change that political terrain, but numbers
alone aren't enough. Chandler describes three factions in the state's
Democratic party-the black caucus at one end, white conservatives
hanging on at the other, and "liberals who will do whatever they have
to do to get elected" in the middle.
After some Democratic candidates campaigned in 2007 on an
anti-immigrant platform, the MIRA wrote a letter in protest to Howard
Dean, national chair of the Democratic Party. Those tactics, it said,
were undermining the only strategy capable of changing the state's
politics. "The attacks on Latinos, initiated by Republican Phil
Bryant a year and a half ago, and joined by other Republicans, are
now being echoed by Democrats like John Arthur Eaves [the party's
gubernatorial candidate] and Jamie Franks [its candidate for
lieutenant governor]," the letter said. State party leaders who
"would go along to be accepted, rather than show the courage
necessary for positive change ... are peddling racist lies against
immigrants that violate the core of the party's progressive agenda.
We do not need politicians whose only concern is getting elected. We
need leaders who will represent the best interests of all the working
people of Mississippi.
Despite their anti- immigrant rhetoric, both Eaves' and Franks'
campaigns were unsuccessful. Conservative Republican Haley Barbour
was returned to the governor's mansion and Phil Bryant was elected
lieutenant governor. Democrat Jim Hood, however, was re-elected
attorney general, with a higher vote total than either Eaves or
Franks. He was the only Democratic statewide candidate who did not
mount an anti-immigrant campaign and who had earlier been convinced
by the AFL-CIO's Jim Evans not to support anti-immigrant bills in the
legislature.
In December 2007, Trent Lott suddenly resigned his U.S. Senate seat
only a year after being re-elected to a fourth term. Barbour
appointed conservative Republican Rep. Roger Wicker to fill the
vacancy, and set the vote to choose a permanent replacement for the
November 2008 general election
"We can't rely just on the demographic shift to win," says MIRA's
Fleming, who plans to run for the seat. He notes that a winning
majority in Mississippi would require about 80 percent of the African
American vote, 20 percent to 25 percent of the white vote, and all of
the growing vote of immigrants and other people of color. "But
demographics makes it a viable race. We live in a conservative state
where people don't accept new ideas easily, so the challenge for
progressives is that we have to campaign and educate people at the
same time. If we want people to move out of their comfort zone, we
need a powerful message."
In Mississippi, that message focuses on jobs, health care,
affordable housing, and the basic economic issues affecting working
people in a state with one of the nation's lowest standards of living
and lowest levels of social services. Immigration issues, Fleming
says, are not some toxic topic to be avoided at all costs. "If we
talk about it in the context of protecting jobs, wages, and rights
for everyone, it's something that can bring us together."
Finding common ground among immigrants, African Americans, and labor
is the pillar of the MIRA's long-term strategy. Jaribu Hill of the
MIRA and executive director of the Mississippi'
launched her own bid for election to the legislature as a Democrat
and argues that winning in the South requires open discussion of race
and civil rights, even if it makes established institutions-
unions-uncomfortabl
plants where the workers' center is active, she says, "we have to
talk about racism. The union focuses on the contract, but skin color
issues are also on the table."
To organize a multiracial workforce, the divisions between African
Americans and immigrants need to be recognized and discussed, Hill
insists. "We're coming together like a marriage, working across our
divides," she says. Rhetoric calling the current immigrant-rights
movement the "new civil-rights movement" doesn't describe those
relations accurately, however. "Our conditions as African Americans
are the direct result of slavery. Immigrants have come here looking
for better lives-we came in chains," Hill says. "Today Frito Lay
wages in Mississippi are still much lower than [in] Illinois-$8.
$13.75 an hour. This is the evolution of a historical oppression."
Immigrants, when they, too, are paid that lower wage, are entering
an economic system that reproduces discrimination and tiers of
inequality originally established to control and profit from black
labor. They inherit a second-class status that developed before they arrived.
Jean Damu, a writer and member of the Black Alliance for Just
Immigration, also warns that drawing a parallel between the
situations of blacks and immigrants has its limits. "After all, who
would want to claim that deporting someone to Mexico is the same as
returning them to slavery?" he asks. "But the similarities are
powerful enough to convince many African Americans that it is in
their best self-interest to support those who struggle against black
people's historic enemies."
For all the differences, Hill still sees a common ground of
experience. "We're both victims of colonialism, we're both
second-class citizens denied our rights. If people could see how
African American people live here, they'd see it's like Bolivia or
Jamaica. On the other hand, it's important for African Americans to
understand why people come here-because of what's happening in the
countries they come from. If people had a choice, if they could live
like human beings, they wouldn't have to risk their lives to get
here. I don't believe any human being can be illegal."
David Bacon is a California writer and photographer. His new book,
Illegal People: How Globalization Causes Migration and Criminalizes
Immigrants, will be published by Beacon Press this fall. To
preorder, call: 617-742-2110
For more articles and images on immigration and trade, see
http://dbacon.
See also the photodocumentary on indigenous migration to the US,
Communities Without Borders (Cornell University/ILR Press, 2006)
http://www.cornellp
See also The Children of NAFTA, Labor Wars on the U.S./Mexico Border
(University of California, 2004)
http://www.ucpress.
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